No. of Recommendations: 1
That exposure over the last year or two implied that Netanyahu was continuing to tack to the hard right and was alienating the majority of Israelis, to the point where he was likely to lose re-election. I can imagine the current state within Israel being one where the population is extremely angry due to the attacks and want Hamas wiped out via methods more severe than Netanyahu is pursuing as he eyes Israel's entire national security picture. On the other hand, that public inclination could be distinct from Israelis wanting Netanyahu to retain power and continue pursuing other changes that are highly unpopular (like crippling the power of the Israeli Supreme Court).To some extent, yes - but not so much on the points that we in the U.S. seem to care most about.
Certainly he outraged the electorate with his move on the Supreme Court. His support of the ultra-orthodox - and the privileges they hold in Israeli society - certainly rankles the centrist part of the electorate (to say nothing of the left). Those actions certainly left him vulnerable in any upcoming elections.
But
even before 10/7, the Israeli electorate had soured on Palestinians having their own state. This Pew note is from the end of September, scant weeks before the attack - they found barely a third of Israelis thought that the two states could exist in peace together (down from an even split ten years ago):
https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/09/26...Whether the two-state solution was potentially revivable before the attacks, after the attacks it's dead. Now, most Israelis (by more than two-to-one) oppose Israel agreeing even in principle to the establishment of an independent
demilitarized Palestinian state. A majority of Israelis think a second state would result in terrorism being the same or worse than it is now. And not only does a big majority support fighting against Hamas in Gaza, but also about two to one want Israel to refuse to allow humanitarian aid into the area.
https://en.idi.org.il/articles/52976So while a new government might abandon the Supreme Court push, and might make the Haredi join the army, they're not likely to make any real changes in how they handle the conflict with the Palestinians. Which, presumably, is what Schumer was trying to achieve.
